Routinization of Charisma in Early Christianity  Routinization of Charisma
  in Early Christianity
    
    -------- Table of Contents ---------
    Introduction
    Charisma 
    Routinization Of Charisma
    Nature Of Community
    Sect And Church
    Charismatic Community In Jerusalem
    Communism Of Love
    Intrusion Of Traditionalism
    Brotherly Love In The Pauline Community
    The Pauline Sect
    Routinization Of Pauline Christianity
    Institutionalization Of The Christian Church
    The Roman Church
    Conclusion
    Endnote
    References
  ------------------------
    
   INTRODUCTION
    This paper analyzes the "routinization" of charisma in the 
early Christian community from the viewpoint of Max Weber's 
sociology of religion.  Sociology of early Christianity has 
been studied in detail by many scholars such as Gerad Theissen, 
John Schutz, Howard Kee, Wayne Meeks, Begnet Holmberg, Margaret 
MacDonald and among others.  In particular, Holmberg and 
MacDonald discuss institutionalization of charisma in early 
Christianity.  
    In Paul and Power, Holmberg analyzes the "routinization" of 
charisma in the primitive Christian Church, employing Peter L. 
Berger and Thomas Luckmann's concept of "institutionalization."  
He first examined Weber's concept of "charisma" and its 
"routinization," and found more usefulness in contemporary 
scholars' terms "charisma" and "institutionalization" rather 
than Weber's terms.  He argues that the early Christian 
community from the beginning institutionalized a religious 
enterprise developing system of doctrine, cult and organization 
(Holmberg 1978: 161-192).  He classifies the early Christianity 
into primary institutionalization for the movement of Jesus by 
itself and secondary institutionalization for the Jerusalem 
community and the Pauline community.  Holmberg's sociological 
analysis of early Christianity is stimulating yet problematic 
for my standpoint.  First, Holmberg analyzes no hereditary and 
virtuoso religiosity in the transformation of charisma.  
Weber's routinization implies three ways of depersonalization 
of charisma: hereditary, virtuoso, and office; Weber's term 
"institution" is only one of characteristics of office charisma 
among his categories of "routinization."  Second, Holmberg has 
no perspective on the tension between charisma and 
institutionalization.  Rather he attempts to integrate elements 
of both charisma and institutionalization: "charisma ._ 
actively seeks institutional manifestation" (Holmberg 1978: 
165).  Third, Holmberg lacks an ideal typical construction of 
concept.  He employes the average type of concept with 
cumulative classification, reflecting an timeless 
generalization of a ubiquitous phenomenon. Such generalization 
does not make sense of understanding a specific significance of 
a historical reality.  
    In The Pauline Churches, MacDonald, on the other hand, 
discusses "institutionalization" in more substantial and 
sophisticated way.  She too employs Berger and Luckmann's 
"institutionalization," attempting to harmonize it with Weber's 
"routinization."  Drawing on Weber's insights on the 
routinization of charisma, she views "the transformation from 
an apparently structures church to one where bishops made their 
presence felt" (MacDonald 15-16).  Such transformation is 
driven by the forces of economic and social status interests: 
"unconscious needs and desires which are inherent in human 
interaction, such as the need to secure one's own leadership 
position" (MacDonald 16).  In contrast to Holmberg's average 
type of concept, she uses concept as an ideal type of reality: 
"everywhere it is impossible to find a perfect fit between the 
ideal type and the historical reality, the ideal type remains 
useful as a means of underlining the particularity of the 
development which stand out sharply against this constructed 
tool for investigation" (MacDonald 15).  Yet she lack a 
polarized setting of concept, and does not see basic conceptual 
distinction between charisma and institution: "there 
institution building impulses inherent in the charisma itself" 
(MacDonald 14).  Her cumulative construction of 
institutionalization is not polarized concepts but successive 
classifications such as "community-building 
institutionalization" for the Pauline community, 
"community-stabilizing institutionalization" for the 
deutro-Pauline community, and "community-protecting 
institutionalization" for the Pastoral community.  
    Ideal typical concept is constructed in bipolar or 
tridimensional setting in order to measure the direction of a 
movement among conflicting forces.  It goes without saying that 
concept is a mere means to fulfill a work.  Employed concepts 
do not represent the superiority or inferiority of a work per 
se., but conversely a work by itself demonstrates the 
usefulness of the concepts, i.e., the tools.  Old used tools 
may do a better and sharper work than new improved tools; it 
totally depends on the understandability and clarity of the 
work.  As a Weberian, I venture to present an analysis of early 
Christianity employing Weber's original concepts of charisma 
and its "routinization."  The point of this paper is not the 
question of which concept is correct, Weber's "routinization" 
or Berger's "institutionalization," but of how clearly and 
understandably the dynamic change of early Christianity can be 
analyzed by such concepts.  The purpose of this paper is not to 
criticize Holmberg's study and MacDonald's, but a counter 
presentation attempting to demonstrate the usefulness and 
applicability of Weber's "routinization."  This paper presents 
first an interpretation of Weber's charisma and routinization, 
and then an analysis of the routinization of the early 
Christian community.  In the footnotes, I discuss the 
difference between Weber's terms and contemporary scholars' 
terms.
    
    CHARISMA 
    Charisma is an extraordinary quality of an individual 
person.  The power of religious charisma is mainly revealed by 
the demonstration of magic (or miracle), or of the word of 
prophecy.  Since charisma goes beyond normal human qualities, 
it is regarded originally as supernatural.  The authority of 
charisma rests upon a belief in its extraordinary quality of 
its power, revelation or personality; the source of these 
beliefs, in turn, is rests on the proving of the charismatic 
quality through magic and miracles, or through victories and 
other successes.  Charisma has been a revolutionary power of 
history because the bearers of charisma, the oracles of 
prophets, or the edicts of charismatic war lords alone could 
create a new order within the world (Weber 1946: 297).  
Charisma is genuinely anti-traditional and anti-rational force.  
In its height, charismatic followers of the prophet are subject 
to anti-economic force of charisma.  Yet as soon as their work 
is done, original charisma is to be replaced by the rule of 
everyday life.  Here the process of routinization of charisma 
has set in.  "When the tide that lifted a charismatically led 
group out of everyday life flows back into the channels of 
workaday routines, at least the pure form of charismatic 
domination will wane and turn into an institution" (Weber 1978: 
1121).  Since charisma in the pure type is the very opposite of 
a continuous institution of everyday life, those who have a 
share in charisma must inevitably turn away from the routine 
and order of the world (Weber 1978: 1113-4).  However, charisma 
does not last.  "In every case charisma is henceforth exposed 
to the conditions of everyday life and to the powers dominating 
it, especially to the economic interests" (Weber 1978: 1121-2).  
    
    ROUTINIZATION OF CHARISMA
    
    1. The Desire of the Possession of Charisma
    All routinization of charisma has basically one and the 
same cause: the desire to transform charisma from a unique gift 
of extraordinary time and person into a permanent possession of 
everyday life (Weber 1978: 1121).  In other words, the 
interests of concerned people modifies the nature of religious 
charisma into acquisitional goods.  All who has economic 
interest to live off become employees, teachers and other 
occupations in the religious enterprise.  The lay people, in 
turn, become dues-paying members of a religious enterprise.  
For the desire to transform charisma into a lasting good, the 
first basic problem is to find a successor to the charismatic 
prophet.  This problem inescapably channels charisma into the 
direction of traditionalism or rationalism (Weber 1978: 1123). 
[1]   If the strong desire to have a charismatic leader at all 
times is accommodated,  the direction of routinization has been 
made to the recurrent incarnation of charisma like the Dalai 
Lama, or the temporal representative like the Pope if the 
founder is considered a unique incarnation such as Christ.  In 
all these examples, the designation of a successor or a 
representative has been a typical means of assuring the 
continuity of a religious enterprise (Weber 1978: 1124).
    "Charisma cannot remain stable, but becomes either 
traditionalized or rationalized, or a combination for both" 
(Weber 1978: 246).  The routinization of charisma takes place 
in the ways of the depersonalization, that is, the separations 
of charismatic quality from a unique personality.  It 
transforms a unique gift of charisma into a quality that is 
either (A) transferable or (b) personally acquirable or (c) 
attached to an office or to an institutional structure.  By the 
routinization, charisma becomes a component of everyday life 
and fulfills its social function on behalf of its extraordinary 
quality that overshadowed the charismatic lay people (Weber 
1978: 1135).  
    
    2. Hereditary Charisma
    Charisma may be transferred though succession of heredity.  
On this belief, charisma is transformed from its 
anti-traditional quality into object of tradition.  In this 
process, the basis of the authority is radically changed from 
the belief in the purely personal quality of charisma into the 
belief in the sanctity of existing tradition.  Thus, charisma 
is traditionalized, and becomes hereditary charisma  Although 
charisma and tradition are fundamentally different in the type 
of authority, both rest on a similar basis of their religious 
aura, that is, a sense of loyalty and obligation.  The external 
forms of the two structures of authority are also often similar 
to the point of being identical.  Both depend upon the spirit 
which predominates the community, though not directly visible.  
In other words, both depends upon the basis of the leader's 
claim to legitimacy: authority sanctified by tradition, or 
faith in the person of the prophet (Weber 1978: 1122).
    
    3. Virtuoso Charisma
    Charisma may be personally acquirable though means and 
method.  It is transformed into the object of methodical 
practices or ecstatic contemplation.  Charisma becomes a 
rationalized goal of everyday life.  It is transformed from a 
state that only few individuals can achieve through their 
genuine endowment into a goal that many can reach through 
unidentifiable means (Weber 1978: 1169).  We need to take into 
consideration, however, the fact that the faculty of charisma 
is possessed unequally among human beings.  Charismatic quality 
such as the ecstatic and visionary capacities of shamans, 
sorcerers, prophets, ascetics and pneumatics of all sorts, 
could not be attained by everyone.  Charisma becomes the 
faculty of the virtuoso, that is to say, virtuoso charisma.  In 
accordance with the differences in charismatic qualifications, 
the virtuosos distinguish themselves from the lay people, those 
who are religiously unmusical yet in need of charismatic 
dispensation (Weber 1946: 287).  The leagues of sacred dancers, 
the status group of the Indian Sramana, the Gnostic pneumatics, 
the early Christian ascetics, the Pietist ecclesiola and all 
sorts of monk communities are associations of only religiously 
qualified persons, that is to say, they are sociologically 
genuine "sects."  Yet the virtuosos may see themselves 
compelled to adjust the demand of the religiosity of masses on 
account of maintaining their patronage both materially and 
ideologically.  The religion of the virtuoso has been a 
genuinely exemplary and practical religion.  For the lay 
person, such exemplary practices of the virtuoso provide 
magical enforcement or the efficacy of a living savior for the 
needs of lay people (Weber 1978: 1112).
    
    4. Office Charisma
    Finally, charisma can be attached to the incumbent of an 
office or to an institutional structure.  The charisma of 
office is "the belief in the specific state of grace of a 
social institution" (Weber 1978: 1140).  This linkage of 
charismatic quality with institutional office, in turn, is 
based on the belief that charismatic quality can be transferred 
though artificial, magical means such as ordination and 
sacrament.  The transformation into office charisma completes 
the depersonalization of charisma, that is, the separation of 
quality of person and function of office.  Then, the belief in 
the charismatic functionality of office replaces the belief in 
the revelation and heroism of charismatic personalities (Weber 
1978: 1139).  Here charisma becomes part of an established 
social "institution," which Weber defines as permanent 
structures with established tradition. [2]  Institution of 
church consist of (1) established system of hierarchal office 
with specific duty and rights, (2) rationalized dogma with the 
sacred canon, and (3) sophisticated sacraments and corporate 
grace (Weber 1978: 1164). [3]  Office charisma is a combination 
of traditionalism and rationalism; charisma is traditionalized 
, for example, in sanctity of the permanent seat of the See of 
Rome and in efficacy of sacrament and ordainment, and it is 
also rationalized to the hierarchy of office, the dogma of the 
teaching, and the codified order and regulation.  The struggles 
between virtuoso charisma and office charisma which 
incorporates with the mass religiosity have always existed.  
The religiosity of the Ulema stood against the religiosity of 
the Dervishes in Islam; the Lutheran preacher's office against 
the Pietists; the Anglican against the Puritans; the Russian 
state church against the sects; the Confucian cult against the 
Buddhist and the Taoist (Weber 1946: 288).  
   To end theoretical interpretation of Weber's 
"charisma" and "routinization," I would like to 
reaffirm that routinization of charisma has three 
directions: traditionalization (hereditary charisma), 
rationalization (virtuoso charisma), and the 
combination of both (office charisma).  
Institutionalization of charisma is a process of 
office charisma, and only a part of routinization of 
charisma.  Therefore, we should not confuse 
routinization of charisma with institutionalization of 
charisma.
    
    NATURE OF COMMUNITY
    Before going to analyze the routinization of charisma in 
early Christianity, we need to look over the sociological 
nature of religious community: whether a congregation is 
occasional or permanent, and whether a community is a sect or a 
church.  These two bipolar perspectives are, of course, ideal 
typical concepts to measure the nature of the reality.  
    Whether a congregation has occasional nature or regulatory 
nature is of a basic importance at the initial formation of a 
congregation.  The sermons of Jesus were held at occasional 
congregations, whereas the Christian community at Jerusalem and 
the Pauline community had the nature of regulatory and 
permanent congregation.  Naturally, occasional gathering does 
not satisfy the interests of those who conducts the cult or the 
preaching, if only because of purely economic considerations.  
As a consequence, they endeavor to create a congregation of 
permanent organization with regular services of sacrament and 
communion, and fixed rights and duties.  Such a transformation 
from occasional gathering into a permanent community is the 
normal process by which the doctrines of the prophets enter 
into everyday life.  The disciples of the prophets thereupon 
become mystagogue, teachers, priests or pastors, serving an 
organized congregation of lay persons (Weber 1963: 62).  
   Primarily, a religious community arises in connection with a 
prophetic movement as a result of routinization, i.e., as a 
result of the process whereby either the prophet himself or his 
disciples secure the permanence of his preaching and the 
congregation's distribution of grace, hence insuring the 
economic existence of the enterprise and those who man it, and 
thereby monopolizing as well as the privileges reserved for 
those charged with religious functions (Weber 1963: 60-61). 

       SECT AND CHURCH
    Another basic nature of a religious community is whether it 
stands on the principle of a sect or a church.  A sect is a 
voluntary association in which one becomes a member by own will 
proving one's specific religious qualification, whereas a 
church is an compulsory organization in which one becomes a 
member by birth regardless one's religious qualification (Weber 
1978: 56).  In other words, a sect is an exclusive community of 
the virtuosos, whereas a church is an universal institution for 
everyone, organized by office-holders.  Every hierocratic and 
official authority of a church opposes against all 
virtuoso-religion and against its autonomous development.  The 
holders of institutionalized grace seek to organize the 
religiosity of the masses and to monopolize the provision of 
the cared values.  By its interests of economic foundation, the 
church must make the sacred values accessible to the masses.  
"This means that the church stands for a universalism of grace 
and for the ethical sufficiency of all those who are enrolled 
under its institutional authority" (Weber 1946: 288).  
    At the beginning of routinization of charisma, the 
community much likely stands on the principle of sect rather 
than the principle of church, though the distinction is fluid 
in reality.  The principle of sect takes for granted the 
personal quality of charisma for the elected, and strong 
against the depersonalization of charisma into the goods for 
everybody.  The principle of church, on the other hand, stands 
on functioned charisma in which institutional office bestows 
gifts of corporate grace.  Only Roman Catholic and, lesser 
degree, Tibetan Buddhism reached the level of the church 
institution.  Both organizations have succeeded to exclude the 
hereditary and vis-a-vis nomination of the successor.  In 
stead, Roman church established the anonymous election of Pope, 
and Tibetan church institutionalized the search of the 
incarnated child of Dalai lama.
   
    CHARISMATIC COMMUNITY IN JERUSALEM
    "An organized group subject to charismatic authority will 
be called a charismatic community.  It is based on an emotional 
form of communal relationship" (Weber 1978: 243).  Since the 
death of Jesus, the Jewish Christians  at Jerusalem were "the 
old charismatic disciples and followers, but instead of a 
visible hero, the prophet removed to the hereafter is their 
invisible leader" (Weber 1978: 1169). [4]  The Jewish Christian 
community at Jerusalem had kept a charismatic feature of the 
community until its end by the Jewish War (66-70 C.E.).  It 
maintained an emotional form of communal life of consumption 
for about 30 years.  The staffs of this community did not 
consist of officials, i.e., payed and fixed position.  They had 
no such thing as promotion or dismissal, no career, no 
election; they had only a call from the leader on the basis of 
the charismatic qualification; they had no hierarchy, or 
technically training institution (Weber 1978: 243).  Thus, 
charismatic staffs are sociologically distinguished from 
institutional officials.  Disciples and followers did not have 
a system of codified rules, of abstract legal principles, and 
hence no process of rational judicial decision oriented to 
them.   Although they chose staffs to judge among themselves, 
their judgements were case by case decisions according to 
staffs' charismatic divine judgments and revelations. 
    
    COMMUNISM OF LOVE
    In its charismatic stage, religious community is formed by 
the anti-economic force of genuine charisma, affecting the 
nature of a permanent religious community.  The community of 
Jerusalem was a communism of love, in which they lived in 
brotherly love, provided consumption by voluntary gift.  
Communism of love is directed to reject any this worldly 
interest, even land property.  Their way of living is not 
directed to a desire to maintain their economic and social 
status.  Weber mentions this situation:
    During the charismatic period of a religion, the perfect disciple 
    must also reject landed property, and the mass of believers is 
    expected to be indifferent toward it.  An expression of this 
    indifference as that attenuated form of the charismatic communism 
    of love which apparently existed in the early Christian community 
    of Jerusalem, where the members of the community owned property 
    'as if they did not own it' (Weber 1978: 1187).
To be sure, we can find conflicting directions between 
following an ideal charismatic life and accommodating everyday 
necessity.  The sociological characteristic of a community is 
determined by not specific phenomena but general movement as a 
whole.  Until the exodus from Jerusalem by the Jewish war, the 
Jerusalem community of Jesus, as a whole, is characterized by 
charismatic principle, not everyday need or economic interests 
(Weber 1978: 1122).  They have never tried to established their 
enterprise to earn economic prebend, but they were preoccupied 
by the coming of Jesus, the apocalyptic expectation of the end 
of this world.

    INTRUSION OF TRADITIONALISM
    The Jerusalem community had also faced the conflict between 
charismatic purity and traditionalism of hereditary charisma.  
At the beginning, the family of Jesus apparently occupied 
important positions in the community.  James, a brother of 
Jesus, was called a pillar of the community (Gal. 2:9).  After 
the death of James (62 C.E.) , however, the influence and  
power of the family of Jesus was apparently disappeared. [5]  
"It was easier to displace Jesus' family from its originally 
important position in the community" because of decisive fact 
that Jesus did not have a heir (Weber 1978: 1138).  This 
community succeeded to restrain followers' desire to have a 
living leader.
    In addition to the force of hereditary charisma, 
traditionalism influenced the Jerusalem community on the 
traditional rituals and the Temple cult, and observing the law.  
The community favored the traditional handling of 
non-circumcised proselytes,   and formulated a minimum ethic 
(Acts 15:20). [6]  James and the elders demanded that Paul 
should undergo the purity probe in the Temple because he was 
suspicious of misleading full Jews not to observe the ritual 
(Acts 21:21 ff.).  "The Jerusalemites acceded to Paul's 
standpoint only step by step and in part, Peter, apparently 
after the death of James.  The old Ebonite congregation of 
Palestine, however, which continued to observe the law, treated 
Paul as an apostate" (Weber 1952: 422).  Yet, the Jerusalem 
leaders were compelled to meet Paul's claim halfway because 
"the converts from the Gentiles were just as well seized by the 
spirit and showed the same symptoms as the Jewish Christians" 
(Weber 1952: 422).  Therefore one could not deny that 
uncircumcised converts were equally true Christians.  This was 
the great transformation of Christianity from a peculiar Jewish 
sect to ethnicity-free religion.  Here charisma (the power of 
pneuma) works.  For early Christianity, the spirit was a 
standard determining the requisite for membership.  To be sure, 
the watershed of this transformation did not come until Paul 
rebuked Peter for the retraction from the communion with 
uncircumcised Christians when the representative of James came 
to the community at Antioch from the Jerusalem community (Gal. 
2:11-14)
    The dynamic tension between charisma and traditionalism in 
the Jerusalem community was mainly settled by political 
interruptions.  In addition to charisma, political enforcement 
and migration are major forces to break down the force of 
traditionalism.  First, James' martyr by the theocratic 
Sanhedrin waned the power of hereditary charisma and seniority 
based on traditionalism, and thereby the charismatic disciple 
took the leadership of the community.  Second, the Jewish War 
(66-70 C.E.) destroyed the enterprises of the Jerusalem 
Christian community as well as the Temple of Jerusalem.  The 
main body of apostle compelled to leave Jerusalem to Gentle 
Christian communities.  Finally, the second destruction of the 
Temple under Hadrian (76-138 C.E.) terminated the temple 
worship and to become the holy church for the pilgrimage as the 
Rome church did.
   
    BROTHERLY LOVE IN THE PAULINE COMMUNITY
    Like the Jerusalem community, the Pauline community is a 
charismatic community subjected to charismatic authority of the 
leader and to brotherly love.  Paul ruled over his community 
authoritatively.  This agrees with the nature of charisma as a 
source of authority.  Charismatic authority doesn't need 
democratic procedure, or approval from the followers.  The 
members of the community are occasionally regarded to Paul's 
children, i.e. charismatic subjected believers.  More important 
is brotherly love as paramount principle in the Pauline 
community.  Paul always called his followers brethren, which 
eventually distinguished his authentic letters from the 
deutro-Pauline letters and the Pastoral letters (Meeks 87). [7]  
His hymn of love in 1 Corinthians 12 is one of the most 
elaborated description of love ethic. Corresponding the 
community of a living prophet, the Pauline community is more 
intensive in brotherly love than the Jerusalem community, the 
community after the death of the prophet.  The love ethos of 
and discipleship is the only guarantor of the purity of 
charisma and community vis-a-vis everyday interests (Weber 
1978: 1120).   Two hundreds later, brotherly love was still 
dominant in the early Christian community.  
    Yet Paul did not form the communism of love out of the 
world, but formed the community of brotherly love in the world.  
In so far as the adherents of a religious community cannot live 
from patronage or begging, they must live from their own work.  
"Work with own hand" was a command of the Pauline community.  
"To abide in the same occupation" (1 Cor. 7:20) was exhorted 
not because work as such was esteemed, but because economic 
independency was necessary to keep the purity of the sect 
(Weber 1978: 1187). [8]  To be sure, it expresses complete 
eschatological indifference toward anything that happens in the 
world, just as the prescription "to render unto Caesar the 
things that are Caesar's" (Luke 20:25).
    
    THE PAULINE SECT
    In contrast to Jesus, who never organized a permanent 
community of followers, Paul formed his permanent communities, 
that is, sects.  Although Paul was a charismatic prophet, the 
Pauline community was also directed to the principle of the 
sect.  Paul initiated the formation of permanent community to 
secure his preaching.  He wrote authoritative letters to his 
community in order to establish his doctrine, order and ethic.  
At the crisis of taking over his community by other's 
leadership, he passionately defended his doctrine, ethic, and 
his authority, otherwise his mission and effort was in vain 
(Gal. 4:11).  Paul's mission and responsibility to God is the 
forming of the community of God besides preaching the gospel as 
such.  Like the Pharisees, the Pauline community had baptism, 
the love feast, the support of the poor, the apostolic gifts of 
grace, above all prophecy desired as a holy state.  Paul made 
emphasis on the eschatological actuality, the coercion of 
unity, indifference in the worldly matters, the purity of 
community, which often employed by the propaganda of a 
millennialist sect.  "Paul learned the technique of propaganda 
and of establishing an attractive community from the Pharisees" 
(Weber 1952:387). 
    Yet Paul never took for granted baptism and the communal 
meal as visible and necessary qualifications of sect's 
membership, although he presupposed such symbolic practices 
within the sect.  Paul never thought charisma (pneuma) can be 
transferred by such ritual performance per se, although he made 
emphasis on the spiritual meaning and significance of such 
practices.  He thought that the gift of pneuma is exclusively 
of individual, and comes directly from God.  Charisma has no 
human mediator, magical manipulation, influence on the side of 
human beings.  Every ethical prophecy by its very nature 
devalues the magical elements of the priestly enterprise.  
Salvation could be achieved only by a distinctively religious 
and meaningful relationship to the eternal.  All ethical 
prophets, by virtue of their rejection of magic, were 
necessarily skeptical of the priestly enterprise, as Buddha had 
nothing to do with the knowledge and rituals of the Vedic 
priesthood in his quest for salvation.  Like the Israelite 
prophets, Paul addressed not ritual offerings or casuistic of 
the law, but obedience to God's spirit, flowing out of love, 
and doing justice.  Thus, the rejection of magical efficacy of 
religious grace identifies the Pauline community as a sect, not  
a church, in which the priest enterprises magical provision of 
sacraments and corporate grace.  The goal of a pure sect is to 
share emotional brotherly love, which also distinguishes from a 
church, the rational and depersonalized institution. 
    
    ROUTINIZATION OF PAULINE CHRISTIANITY
    After Paul's death, unavoidably the Pauline community took 
the courses of routinization of charisma, i. e., 
traditionalization and rationalization.  Although we can find 
initial sings of routinization in Paul by himself and in his 
community,  his death, i. e., the disappearance of the 
charismatic leader, was decisive for the routinization. [9] 
    For traditionalization , we can find the intrusion of 
Jewish traditionalism such as genealogy (1 Tim. 1:4, Tit. 3:9, 
cf Matt. 1:1-17), ritual sacrifice for sin (Heb. 10:18), and 
the elderly influence in the community (Tit. 1:5). [10]  Yet 
the Pauline community was not ruled by traditionalism.  In 
contrast to strong peasantry traditionalism in the Jerusalem 
community, Paul's citizenry community was relatively free from 
traditionalism; the taboo barriers of ethnicity, occupation, 
locality, and religious stereotype.  The Pauline community 
"rejected the Talmudic law and even the characteristic ritual 
laws of the Old Testament, while taking over and considering as 
binding--for all their elasticity--various other expressions of 
God's will witnessed in the Old Testament." (Weber 1963:260-1).  
What is more, the specific qualities of an ethical and personal 
piety of Occident Christianity found its real nurture in the 
urban environment, in contrast to the ritualistic, or 
formalistic religiosity of rural Palestine Christianity  (Weber 
1978: 472).
    Another routinization of charisma took place of rational 
and formalistic depersonalization though aristocratization and 
institutionalization.  Aristocratization here means rational 
transformation of the ecstatic state of charisma into 
methodical and codified goal, and institutionalization means a 
combination of rationalism and traditionalism in the 
transformation of charisma into systematic and intellectual  
office of magical manipulation of sacrament and corporate 
grace.  In other words, aristocratization stands on the 
principle of virtuoso charisma, leading to particularism of the 
religious qualification, whereas institutionalization stands on 
the principle of office charisma leading to universalism of 
religious qualification on account of the mass religiosity.  We 
can see the tension between virtuoso charisma and office 
charisma already in the Pastoral letters, where the bishop 
opposes to virtuoso's celibacy, vegetarianism and anti-drinking 
(1 Tim. 4:2-3; 5:23).  Thus office charisma of the Pastoral 
denounces virtuoso charisma as devilish: "doctrines of devil,_ 
forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain for meats" (1 
Tim. 4:2-3).  The more officaldom of priesthood and system of 
dogma were established, the more early Christian bishops 
opposed against the pneumatics and heroic sectaries.  Legalism 
in the letter of James is another example of rational 
transformation of charisma (puneuma) into formalistic conduct 
of life, casuistic dogma and order.  Lay people's desire to 
have a shepherd (practitioner) of their soul made Paul the 
teacher (1 Tim. 2:7),  and made Jesus the high priest who 
preforms sacrificial ritual for individual's sin (Heb. 3:1). 
[11]  Even though Paul admonished his followers to maintain the 
purity of the spirit, his charismatic messages inevitably 
became dogma, doctrine, theory, regulation, law or petrified 
tradition after his death (Weber 1978: 1122).  
    
    INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH
    At the beginning of its routinization of charisma, Pauline 
Christianity cannot be called institutionalization.  There are 
no paid priest, system of hierarchy and office, established 
religious dogma, sacred canon, formulated sacrament and mass.  
Of course, there are favorable conditions for the 
institutionalization of Pauline Christianity from the 
beginning.  
       For early Christianity presupposed as already extant 
       certain conception, viz,_ the concept of office, and the 
       concept of the community as a compulsory organization 
       (city-state) with specific functions._ particularly in 
       Hellenistic and definitely in Roman urban law (Weber 
       1978: 472).
    In ancient Greece the word bishop (episkopos) was used for 
official titles, in some case as a governor or a local 
officials who arrange and appoint the assembly (ekklesia). 
(Beyer 608-622).  The Pastoral letters already indicate a fixed 
position of the office: "the office of a minister" (1 Tim. 
3:1), "the office of a deacon" (1 Tim. 3:10), without economic 
compensation.  At that time, the wandering, charismatic 
preachers, the apostles, prophets and teachers, were never 
called bishop (episkopoi).  "This title arises only where there 
are settled local congregations in which regular acts are 
performed" (Beyer 615).  The Pastoral letters set the 
qualifications of the offices: for a minister (1 Tim. 3:2-5) 
and for a deacon (1 Tim. 3:8-13).   No reference to the Spirit 
made for these qualifications, but simply to essential human 
qualifications.  This shows "how strongly the development is 
already affected by everyday needs" (Beyer 617).  This is the 
beginning of regularly service by professionals, and of the 
system of office and organized management of the religious 
enterprise.  
    "Canonical scriptures contain the revelations and 
traditions themselves, whereas dogmas are priestly 
interpretations of their meaning" (Weber 1978: 458).  The 
driving force for canonization and dogmatization is simple 
interests of the priesthood in securing its own position 
against attack by the prophets and against scepticism of the 
laity.  Canonizations was a consequence of a struggle between 
various competing groups and prophecies for the control of the 
community (Weber 1978: 459).  This direction already took place 
in Pauline communities.  To secure his community, Paul 
endeavored to write letters of revelations and doctrines 
against attacks of his opponent Jewish traditionalists, lay 
anomie, and Hellenistic mystagogue.  Needless to say, there was 
no established text of New Testament until 4th century.  "The 
Christian canon was formalized because of the threat to the 
piety of the petty-bourgeois masses from the intellectual 
salvation doctrine of the Gnostics" (Weber 1978: 459). [12]  As 
a products of the priesthood, the closing of canon was 
generally conclude with that only a certain period had been 
allowed with such prophetic revelations and spiritual writings, 
and no more.  This is not only the case of New Testament, but 
also Old Testament, Pali Canon, Koran and Vegas.   
    Dogma is a product of priestly rationalization of doctrine 
to interpret of priestly meaning.  Priest systematize the 
content of prophecy or of the sacred traditions by supplying 
them with a casuistic, rationalized framework of analysis, and 
by accommodating them to their interests, especially needs for 
controlling the laity and for their own intellectualism (Weber 
1978: 460).
    Institutionalization of charisma means the separation of 
facility from personal entity.  The letter of 1 Timothy 
presupposes the separate entity of the house of God from the 
ecclesia of God (3:15).  Here the separation of the house of 
church and the congregation of the believers set in.  
Institutionalization also means universalization of charisma 
for all men and women.  This direction is already found in the 
Deutro-Pauline letters; "our Saviour will have all men to be 
saved" (1 Tim. 2:1-3).   Here also we can see the shift from 
Paul's sectarianism into the Pastoral's universalism-- from 
Paul statements of "a remnant according to the election of 
grace" (Rom. 11:5) and "faith of Jesus Christ to each person 
who believe" (Rom. 3:22) to the Pastoral's statements of 
"Saviour who will have all men to be saved" (1 Tim. 2:1-3) and 
"God that brings salvation that appeared to all men" (Tit. 
2:11).  Universalism of salvation is not the rejection of the 
world but the acceptance of the world.  Paul's warning: "this 
present evil world" (Gal. 1:3) and "do not compromise to this 
world" (Rom. 12:2) here shifts into the acceptance of the 
custom and reputation of this world; "kings, and for all that 
are in authority; that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life 
in all godliness and honesty.  For this is good and acceptable 
in the sight of God" (1 Tim. 2:2).
    
    THE ROMAN CHURCH
    Weber characterizes the emergence of the Roman church by 
four features: (1) a professional priesthood with salaries, 
promotions, duties and a distinctive conduct of life; (2) 
universal domination overcoming ethnic and national barriers; 
(3) rationalized dogma and rites recorded in sacred scriptures; 
(4) compulsory organization of office charisma (Weber 1978: 
1164).  The apostolic succession in the Roman Catholic Church 
is secured through episcopal ordination, the indelible 
charismatic qualification acquired through the priest's 
ordination.  After the Donatist controversy, the Catholic 
theory of the priest's office-holding was established the 
strict distinction between the charisma of office and the 
worthiness of the person.  This differentiation between person 
and function is by no means a civilized phenomenon, but widely 
diffused beliefs that all kind of animals, humans and 
superhumans can be influenced by magical functionaries.  The 
Catholic church only put them deliberately in the service of a 
great organizational idea: that of bureaucratization (Weber 
1978: 1141).  As the church administration was bureaucratized 
in the hands of the bishops and presbyters, the charismatic 
prophets and journey men and women declined.  The church 
apparatus adapted everyday conditions of technical and economic 
operations.  As a consequence, the Roman church developed "an 
office hierarchy with delimited jurisdictions, regular 
channels, reglementation, fees, benefices, a disciplinary 
order, rationalization of doctrine and of office-holding as a 
vocation" (Weber 1978: 1166).  The more the bureaucratization 
of office and the rationalization of doctrine become involved, 
the more the institutionalization of the church is advanced.  
    The establishment of the Roman church involves many 
elements of historical conditions.  The watershed of 
institutionalization of Christianity took place when 
Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire 
in 380 C.E.  Preceding persecutions made the Roman church a 
strict administrative and hierarchy apparatus.  As political 
power organized a centralized and highly developed 
administration in conquered areas, the hierocratic power of the 
Roman church developed under continuous threat of the Roman 
gentiles. [13]  The strict centralization of Catholic church 
and the most radical depersonalization of charisma was 
completed in the wake of the French Revolution which destroyed 
the power of the local clergy: as ecclesia militants the church 
created its technical apparatus though the bureaucratized and 
intellectualized church of modern history (Weber 1978: 1140, 
1170).  
    
   CONCLUSION
    Weber distinguishes charisma radically from tradition and 
legality because of quite different bases of their beliefs.  
The authority of charisma rests on the belief in the 
extraordinary quality of power, revelation or personality, 
whereas the authority of tradition rests on the belief in the 
sanctity of continued presence, and the authority of legality 
rests on the belief in the rational and logical persuasiveness.  
Routinization of charisma means a radical shift of the belief 
in legitimacy from actual extraordinariness to continued 
tradition, rational-legal presence, or the combination of both.  
Routinization of charisma takes three ways of 
depersonalization: hereditary charisma, virtuoso charisma, and 
office charisma.  Institutionalization of charisma is the 
process of office charisma.  Therefore, institutionalization of 
charisma is not identical with routinization of charisma, but 
it is a part of the routinization.  
    As a whole, both the Jerusalem community and the Pauline 
community are charismatic communities, not routinized 
communities or institutionalized enterprises.  The Jerusalem 
community formed a communism of love, and the Pauline community 
formed a pure sect of brotherly love.  Even if both communities 
entailed the initial sings of routinization of charisma, they 
cannot be categorized to the community of routinized charisma 
such as hereditary charisma, virtuoso charisma, and office 
charisma.  Charismatic followers and disciples in both the 
Jerusalem community and the Pauline community did not become 
privileged office-holders, i.e., payed priests, even if there 
were some force to establish certain offices and 
administrations, these positions were without economic benefit, 
and not a permanent coded office, but rather an accommodation 
to minimum necessity in everyday life.  The turning point of 
routinization of charisma always involves economic and social 
interests to assure the privileged's well-being and social 
status.  Jerusalem community was an anti-economic communism, 
and the Paul community was  a brotherly sect indifferent to 
worldly matters.  In addition, routinization of charisma 
usually takes place soon after the death of the charismatic 
leader by the strong desire to have a charismatic leader.  The 
Jerusalem community avoided having the charismatic leader of 
hereditary succession or of election among the disciples, even 
if elements of hereditary and seniority traditionalism affected 
the direction of the Jerusalem community.  After Paul's death, 
the Pauline communities did not chose the successor, although 
his disciples such as Timothy and Titus took leadership among 
the communities.  It goes without saying that everyday 
existence brings charismatic community nearer to its end under 
the heavy weight of material interests (Weber 1978: 1120).  
Even though Paul warned the letter kills, and the spirit gives 
life, it was inevitable Paul's spiritual teaching became a 
doctrine, dogma and ethical teaching.  The more the 
bureaucratization of office and the rationalization of doctrine 
were involved, the more the institutionalization of the 
community was advanced.  
    
    
    ENDNOTE
     [1]    Holmberg poses a question of combing charisma with 
traditionalism and rationalism.  "It is confusing and self-contradictory to 
combine routine and charisma in the one concept, according to Weber, they 
are opposites.  It would be more appropriate to just talk about the 
transformation of charismatic authority into other types of authority 
(traditional and rational-legal).  As it is one gets the impression that 
there remains some fundamental difference between routinized charisma and 
traditional, or rational-regal, authority, which is not the case" (Holmberg 
1978: 163).  The reason why Weber distinguishes the term "routinization of 
charisma" from "traditionalization" or "rationalization" lies in quite 
different bases of their legitimations.  At the beginning of the 
routinization of charismatic enterprise, there is not enough tradition or 
rationalized system of rules and institutions to assure their economic and 
status privileges.  The strongest motive for the preservation of charismatic 
elements in the depersonalized form is the interests of privileged strata to 
legitimize their economic and social conditions, that is, to transform them 
from unstable power relationships into acquired rights, and hence to 
sanctify them (Weber 1978: 1146). 
      [2]  "Here we find that peculiar transformation of charisma into an 
institution: permanent structures and traditions replace the belief in the 
revelation and heroism of charismatic personalities, charisma becomes part of 
an established social structure" (Weber 1978: 1139).
      [3]   Thus Weber's definition of "institution" is quite different 
from Berger-Luckmann's definition: "Institutionalization occurs whenever 
there is a reciprocal typification of habitualized actions by types of 
actors.  Put differently, any such typification is an institution"; "We can 
properly begin to speak of roles when this kind of typification occurs in 
the context of an objectified stock of knowledge common to a collectivity of 
actors.-- Institutions are embodied in individual experience by means of 
roles" (Berger-Luckmann 1967: 54, 73).  This difference reflects their 
incompatible directions toward sociological conceptualization: the former 
directed to ideal-typical construction, and the latter to an average type of 
construction for common knowledge.  I perceive the usefulness in the 
distinction of routinization and institutionalization, instead of Holmberg's 
exclusion of routinization.  From my stand point, the turning point from the 
routinization to the institutionalization in early Christianity came to 
third century C.E. when the payed office of bishop was established.
      [4]  "The disciples were called Christians first in Antioch" (Acts 
11:26).  Luke calls both members of the Jerusalem community and Paul's 
followers "disciple" including himself (Acts 1:15; 20:7; 21:1). 
      [5]   Josephus speaks of James being sentenced to death in the year 
62 C.E.  The high priest, Ananos II "assembled the Sanhedrin of Judges and 
brought before them the brother of Jesus who is called the Christ, whose 
name was James, and some of his companions.  And when he had laid an 
accusation against them as having broken the law, he delivered them to be 
stoned" (Antiquity 20, 9, I).
      [6]   According Acts 6:6, the Jerusalem community already introduced 
the ritual of laying hand.  However, in other occasion, Peter denounced a 
magician who wanted to manipulate charisma of the spirit by laying hand 
(Acts 8:19).
      [7]    I follow orthodox distinction of Pauline letters: (1) for Paul's 
authentic letters, Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 
Thessalonians  and Philemon, (2) for the deutro-Pauline letters--Ephesians, 
Colossians, 2 Thessalonians , (3) for the Pastoral letters, 1 and 2 Timothy and 
Titus.
      [8]   Unlimited, irrationalist sharing with needy brother in the 
Jerusalem community forced the missionaries, especially Paul, to collect 
alms abroad for the anti-economic central community (Weber 1978: 1187).  
This is a reason why Paul formed the community of workers within the world, 
as contrast to Jerusalem communism out of the world life.
      [9]   Keeping the Jewish rituals, especially, circumcision was the 
Paul's biggest battle against traditionalism.  Paul's new doctrine, the 
fulfillment of the law by the faith in Jesus Christ, abolished the 
traditional authority of the Jewish law and the practice of Jewish rituals.  
For this cause, Paul had to suffer persecution until his death from Jewish 
traditionalists.
      [10]  The Pauline community experienced little tension against 
hereditary charisma because of Paul's celibacy.  Long after its development, 
the Roman Catholic established the celibacy of the priest in order to avoid 
hereditary charisma of the Pope as well as to demonstrate priest's charisma 
against celibacy monks.
      [11]  Paul in the letters of Timothy was "ordained" to "a teacher" 
besides an apostle (1 Tim. 2: 7, 2 Tim. 1:11), whereas Paul writes himself 
only as being "called" to "an apostle" distinguishing from a teacher (Cor. 
12:18).  The author of 1 Timothy practiced the laying on the hand to the 
members of the community, and probably ordained the presbyters by laying on 
hand on the head (1 Tim.  2:8;4:14; 5:22).
      [12]  In contrast to Christian canonization to protect the piety of 
lay citizen against Gnosis intellectualism, Buddhistic canonization took 
place to protect  its intellectual salvation against popular salvation 
religion: "the soteriology of the intellectual classes of ancient Buddhism 
was crystallized in the Pali canon as a result of the danger posed by the 
missionizing popular salvation religions of the Mahayana" (Weber 1978: 459).  
     [13]  "It is no accident that Buddhism evolved the Lamaist 
hierarchy, which corresponds even in the ceremonial details to the 
Occidental curia, not in India but in Tibet and Mongolia, where it 
was continuously threatened by the wildest barbarian peoples of 
the world.  In the same manner, the Occidental mission produced 
the most typical form of Latin monasticism in barbarian countries" 
(Weber 1978: 1135).
      
      
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Berger, Peter L. 1967. The Sacred Canopy. New York: Doubleday and 
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Beyer, Marianne F. 1964. "Bishop (episdopos)" in Theological 
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Holmberg, Beng. 1990. Sociology and the New Testament : an 
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May 31. 1996